Volkswagen. The name means "people's car" in German, which would certainly be just another bit of trivia, barely capable of arousing even a passing interest, except for its absolute accuracy, remarkable in the modern marketing lexicon of dazzling product names and slogans for its simple, irrefutable truth. For if any car is truly of the people, it's the Volkswagen Beetle. On the whole, the car resembles nothing more than a great, eager-to-please pet, and yet it owes its existence to Adolf Hitler, who dreamed of an affordable, mass-produced car for the German worker. Happily, this was the extent of the little Beetle's association with the dictator, as production of the car was immediately turned over to the brilliant automotive engineer, Ferdinand Porsche. Porsche's original design was inspired by an egg; obviously, he "got" the Beetle. Still, the road from Porsche's early designs, through World War II, American liberation and British occupation was a long one, and the Beetle that first captured the hearts of drivers all over the world wouldn't appear until 1951. Even then, the car that would eventually become the official car of the revolution and a genuine 20th-century icon took a while to catch on. It wasn't until VW's legendarily clever and unconventional advertising campaigns that the car really became synonymous with the vibrant, unrestrained generation that made it their hallmark. But even that doesn't explain the enormous popularity of the car, or the fondness it inspired in its owners, or the simple way that just the sight of it could lift your spirits. The secret is this: the Beetle was the first car with a soul. Engagingly and authoritatively written, deliciouslydesigned and featuring more than 300 gorgeous color and black & white photos, this is the long-awaited record of the Volkswagen Beetle, from its earliest beginnings to its latest rebirth. Along the way you'll find examples of the priceless ad campaigns, a chronicle of the growing subculture of Beetle restorers and modifiers, and a complete timeline of the creation of the new Beetle. Like the car itself, this book is not only the history and celebration of an automobile, it's also a vital record of our society's changing image of itself.
Russia is a post-communist country struggling to adapt to the modern world economically and politically. In the twenty-first century, Russia faces postmodern social, cultural, and political problems with its old policy of deterrence. For Russia's political leaders and military planners, three scenarios define their postmodern setting: 1) the world's leading military and economic powers, with the exception of China, are market-based economies and political democracies; 2) the revolution in military affairs, based on advances in information, electronics, and communications, is driving both civil and military technology innovation; and 3) the Cold War's fundamental war-fighting premises, such as deterrence based on nuclear weapons and on conventional armed forces organized and trained for massive wars of attrition, have changed radically. These points' implications for future Russian strategy are profound, Stephen J. Cimbala and Peter Rainow argue. Russia faces an increased presence of its former adversary, the United States, in adjacent territories; an increasingly assertive NATO, which includes many of Moscow's former allies; and continued fighting in Chechnya. Ominously, China aspires to overtake Russia as the world's second-ranked military power and establish its hegemony over the Pacific basin. In short, Russia confronts a radically new political and military world order that demands adapting to postmodern thinking about deterrence and defense. The danger is that Russia, realizing that it lags behind in leveraging modern technology for military purposes and that it must scrap its dependence on conscription, now relies on nuclear weapons as its first line of deterrence against either nuclear or conventional attack.
'Let us turn our faces towards Asia', exhorted Lenin when the long-awaited revolution in Europe failed to materialize. 'The East will help us conquer the West.' Peter Hopkirk's book tells for the first time the story of the Bolshevik attempt to set the East ablaze with the heady new gospel of Marxism. Lenin's dream was to liberate the whole of Asia, but his starting point was British India. A shadowy undeclared war followed. Among the players in this new Great Game were British spies, Communist revolutionaries, Muslim visionaries and Chinese warlords - as well as a White Russian baron who roasted his Bolshevik captives alive. Here is an extraordinary tale of intrigue and treachery, barbarism and civil war, whose violent repercussions continue to be felt in Central Asia today.
At a time when the label "conservative" is indiscriminately applied to fundamentalists, populists, libertarians, fascists, and the advocates of one or another orthodoxy, this volume offers a nuanced and historically informed presentation of what is distinctive about conservative social and political thought. It is an anthology with an argument, locating the origins of modern conservatism within the Enlightenment and distinguishing between conservatism and orthodoxy. Bringing together important specimens of European and American conservative social and political analysis from the mid-eighteenth century through our own day, "Conservatism" demonstrates that while the particular institutions that conservatives have sought to conserve have varied, there are characteristic features of conservative argument that recur over time and across national borders. The book proceeds chronologically through the following sections: Enlightenment Conservatism (David Hume, Edmund Burke, and Justus Moser), The Critique of Revolution (Burke, Louis de Bonald, Joseph de Maistre, James Madison, and Rufus Choate), Authority (Matthew Arnold, James Fitzjames Stephen), Inequality (W. H. Mallock, Joseph A. Schumpeter), The Critique of Good Intentions (William Graham Sumner), War (T. E. Hulme), Democracy (Carl Schmitt, Schumpeter), The Limits of Rationalism (Winston Churchill, Michael Oakeshott, Friedrich Hayek, Edward Banfield), The Critique of Social and Cultural Emancipation (Irving Kristol, Peter Berger and Richard John Neuhaus, Hermann Lubbe), and Between Social Science and Cultural Criticism (Arnold Gehlen, Philip Rieff). The book contains an afterword on recurrent tensions and dilemmas of conservative thought.